Quid Pro Quo (QPQ) Tracker
Republished from OpenSecrets

‘PACs galore’: Michigan’s Democratic Senate primary is now a super PAC battleground

By Joedy McCreary · OpenSecrets · July 22, 2026

Editor’s note: we omit the original article’s photograph (Getty Images) and interactive charts for licensing reasons. Both appear in the original article. The original spells the surname of El-Sayed’s father-in-law “Tayed”. FEC records and our profile spell it Tayeb.

Outside spending has overtaken the Michigan Democratic Senate primary, with super PACs flooding the race with tens of millions of dollars and overwhelming the candidates’ own fundraising while fundamentally reshaping a contest that could help decide control of the chamber.

Rep. Haley Stevens is backed by massive super PAC spending, and has also attacked the main super PAC supporting her opponent, Abdul El‑Sayed, because one of its top donors is his father‑in‑law. Experts say the dynamic illustrates how national political networks, not local fundraising, are driving the fight for Michigan’s open Senate seat.

“The battle for the future of the Democratic Party has come to Michigan,” David Dulio, an author and political science professor at Oakland University, told OpenSecrets.

Outside groups have poured more than $52 million into the Michigan Senate race through mid‑July, according to an OpenSecrets analysis of FEC reports. The contest ranks second only to the one in Texas ($63.7 million) in the volume of outside spending. Most was driven by four super PACs, and much of it has backed Stevens. Meanwhile, the three remaining candidates themselves – including Rep. Mike Rogers, who is unopposed in the Republican primary – have raised nearly $34 million combined, according to FEC quarterly reports through June 30.

The gap underscores how much of the financial muscle in this primary is coming from super PACs – technically, independent expenditure committees – compared to the campaigns.

“There’s PACs everywhere. There’s PACs galore,” Wayne State University political science professor Marjorie Sarbaugh-Thompson said.

That sheer scale of outside spending has shifted the center of gravity in the race. “We’re beyond that point” where the outside spending controls the contest, Sarbaugh-Thompson told OpenSecrets.

“These external people are having their own little personal fiefdom battles and their disagreements on who’s going to be the heart and soul of the Democratic Party. They’re doing it in our primary,” she added.

The race between Stevens – a four-term House member viewed as the establishment candidate – and El-Sayed – an epidemiologist and former Wayne County health director favored by progressives – has split Democrats along ideological lines. Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer (N.Y.) and Sen. Gary Peters (D-Mich.), whose retirement opened the seat, have endorsed Stevens. Sens. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.) and Chris Van Hollen (D-Md.) support El-Sayed. State Sen. Mallory McMorrow suspended her campaign July 7 but remains on the Aug. 4 ballot.

The winner will face Rogers in a November contest Democrats view as essential to their hopes of regaining control of the chamber. The Cook Political Report rates the race as a tossup.

The establishment’s spending surge reflects a deeper strategic concern, Dulio said.

“The pouring of outside money into Michigan on the Stevens side is because of the alarm bells that are going off in the Democratic establishment that, ‘We cannot lose this primary,’” Dulio said. “I think they imagine that Abdul El-Sayed will lose to Mike Rogers, or at least have a much more difficult time defeating Mike Rogers than Haley Stevens would.”

OpenSecrets reached out to both Democratic campaigns but did not immediately receive responses from either.

Dark money funds one key group backing Stevens

In what has become the race’s dominant storyline, Stevens has drawn an extraordinary wave of outside support driven by two super PACs that have poured in more than $30 million through mid-July.

The biggest player is the United Democracy Project – the super PAC aligned with the American-Israel Public Affairs Committee that works to elect pro-Israel candidates. As of July 20, it spent nearly $20 million on this race, one of at least nine contests it is targeting this cycle. In a five-day blitz in mid-July, the group spent nearly $4.7 million, with more than 85% of it aimed at opposing El-Sayed, who is bidding to become the first Muslim U.S. senator. Michigan is home to one of the nation’s largest Arab-American populations.

“I think when we think about outside money in this race, there’s only one element that matters, and it’s AIPAC,” Dulio said, calling it “shorthand.”

“Saying that Haley Stevens is backed by – or, in other words, bought and paid for – by AIPAC … conveys a lot of information,” he continued.

Far less is publicly known about another major force in the race: A Stronger Michigan, a super PAC created on June 1 that has rapidly become a central engine of pro-Stevens outside spending. The group spent nearly $14 million through July 20 to boost Stevens and attack El-Sayed, and its funding stream is almost entirely tied to the dark-money nonprofit Center Forward.

Center Forward reported $7.3 million in total revenue and $6.9 million in contributions in 2024, according to its most recent IRS filing – money that cannot be traced to specific donors because, as a 501(c)(4) “social welfare” organization, it does not disclose who funds it. Its contributions accounted for nearly 99% of A Stronger Michigan’s roughly $11.1 million in receipts received June 2-30.

Center Forward’s IRS filings list board member Jefferies Murray, founder of the lobbying firm 535 Group, as its principal officer and treasurer. Murray’s McLean, Va., home – a multimillion-dollar property he lists on FEC documents – serves as the headquarters for both Center Forward and A Stronger Michigan. Murray is also treasurer of the Center Forward Committee super PAC, which spent nearly $1 million in May supporting Stevens. Contributions from Center Forward made up $2.1 million of the $2.3 million Center Forward Committee raised this cycle.

The remaining $150,000 backing A Stronger Michigan came from Michigan Forward 2026 – a Dallas-based super PAC funded by KIND Snacks founder Daniel Lubetzky, the American Chemistry Council and another 501(c)(4), the American Foundation for Good Government.

And A Stronger Michigan will not disclose the sources of any money it raises between July 1 and the Aug. 4 primary until weeks after voters cast their ballots. Because the super PAC files monthly reports, its next disclosure is not due until Aug. 20 – more than two weeks after the primary.

“We don’t get the information that we need to see who’s pulling the strings and what’s going on until way late,” Sarbaugh‑Thompson said.

A Stronger Michigan directed most of its money to two Democratic-aligned firms, sending nearly $9.8 million to Washington-based Waterfront Strategies for television and radio ads and another $3.6 million to Chicago-based AL Media for digital advertising.

OpenSecrets reached out to A Stronger Michigan’s treasurer, Melanie Hudson; Center Forward; and Murray but did not immediately receive responses.

Another super PAC, Unite to Win, spent nearly $2.8 million on July 16 to support Stevens, FEC records show. That group received $1.4 million on June 12 from Democracy Matters, a 501(c)(4) founded by former NBA player Adonal Foyle that promotes progressive policies on college campuses. Its most recent IRS filing showed $1.8 million in negative net assets in 2024 after it awarded $46.8 million in grants while raising $21 million.

El-Sayed’s family ties to super PAC draw criticism

The main super PAC backing El-Sayed – Fighting for Michigan PAC – has played a smaller but still significant role in the race’s outside-spending landscape. Through June 30, the committee raised nearly $2.5 million and held $1.1 million in cash on hand. As of July 17, it reported spending more than $1.8 million on the race.

Much like A Stronger Michigan, its operations are rooted far closer to the Washington Beltway than the Motor City, and its headquarters is also linked to its treasurer. Peter Sarasohn, who serves as both treasurer and custodian of records, runs the PAC out of a Silver Spring, Md., townhome that he previously listed on FEC documents as his home address. Sarasohn, a veteran Democratic operative who was budget director for Sanders’ 2020 presidential campaign, now runs a consulting firm and also serves as treasurer of Maine Senate candidate Troy Jackson’s exploratory committee. He did not immediately respond to OpenSecrets’ request for comment.

Fighting for Michigan has drawn criticism from Stevens over its funding sources, with the congresswoman claiming during a July 7 debate that El-Sayed “has a super PAC that is run by his father-in-law.” One of the committee’s top donors is indeed Michigan nephrologist Jukaku Tayed, El-Sayed’s father-in-law, who has contributed $300,000 across three $100,000 installments between Feb. 3 and June 22. But while super PACs – which may raise and spend unlimited sums – are prohibited from coordinating that spending with federal candidates, there is no credible evidence that the super PAC is “run by” Tayed, as Stevens claimed.

Another super PAC, American Priorities, spent just over $350,000 as of July 16 to support El-Sayed, FEC records show. That committee formed earlier this year to counter AIPAC spending in Democratic primaries. Funded in part by $1 million contributions from Omer Hasan and Mohammad Waqas – two top donors to a super PAC supporting New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani – it spent $1.6 million to back Adam Hamawy’s congressional bid in New Jersey and $1.1 million on Nida Allam’s in North Carolina.

Outside spending dwarfs candidates’ fundraising

The outside spending overshadows the money both candidates have raised on their own.

El-Sayed overtook Stevens in total fundraising during a big second quarter fueled by small-dollar donations. He outraised Stevens more than 2-to-1 from April 1 through June 30, with his $4.6 million quarterly haul bringing his total to $12.2 million. Stevens’ total is just under $11 million.

Unitemized individual donations of less than $200 made up more than $1.3 million of El-Sayed’s fundraising total for the quarter.

The two candidates had a combined $6.1 million in cash on hand through June 30, while Rogers – the Republican awaiting the winner – held $5.7 million. By comparison, that total is a fraction of the $80.3 million war chest at the United Democracy Project’s disposal.

“The story right now … is that Stevens is dominating with outside funding,” Dulio said. “El-Sayed has momentum, and Stevens has money.”

This article was originally published by OpenSecrets, a nonpartisan, nonprofit organization that tracks money in politics. It is republished here with attribution per its republishing guidelines. The original photo (Getty Images) and interactive charts are not included in this republication. View the original article.

QPQ Tracker analysis

Who funds the groups spending in the Michigan primary

By the QPQ Tracker team · This analysis is ours, not the original publisher’s. Every linked name opens its full profile in our database.

OpenSecrets’ reporting maps the four super PACs that have taken over the Michigan primary. Our database lets you follow each of those committees one layer further back. We built it transaction by transaction from itemized FEC receipts, IRS 990 Schedule I grants, and lobbying disclosures. It shows three things daily coverage can’t easily show: who capitalized these committees before they arrived in Michigan, what the same committees did with that money last cycle, and where the disclosure calendar goes dark. Every dollar figure below is an itemized transaction, or a sum of them, with a link to the underlying filing or profile.

1. The $20 million spent in this race comes from a war chest one organization mostly filled

The United Democracy Project’s “$80.3 million war chest” is often described as pro-Israel donor money. The itemized receipts are more specific. AIPAC’s own 501(c)(4) treasury is by far the dominant funder of United Democracy Project. Its direct transfers since 2022 total $51.6 million. They include $25 million on September 25, 2025 and $5 million on December 23, 2025 for the current cycle. AIPAC is itself a nonprofit that does not disclose its donors. Thus more than a third of the war chest behind the anti‑El‑Sayed blitz is, in disclosure terms, a dead end.

The largest of the remaining seven-figure donors, from our itemized records:

FunderItemized receipts to UDP, 2022–2026 cyclesBackground
American Israel Public Affairs Committee (c4)$51,555,843incl. $30M in the 2026 cycle
Jan Koum$7,000,000WhatsApp co-founder
Jonathon Jacobson$5,575,000Highfields Capital Management founder
Haim Saban$4,000,000Saban Capital Group
Bernard Marcus$4,000,000Home Depot co-founder
Helaine Lerner$3,250,000philanthropist
Marc Rowan$2,500,000Apollo Global Management
Paul Singer$2,000,000Elliott Management †

Sums of itemized FEC Schedule A receipts tracked in our database; lower bounds, not committee totals. † FEC also shows a further $2.5 million Paul Singer receipt (July 29, 2025, FEC record) that we have not yet attached to a profile. Two “Paul Singer” donor records in the raw FEC data mix several different people. We don’t merge identities until the split is verified. Seven-figure donors not shown above, from the same itemized records (checked October 23, 2026): David Zalik $2,100,000, Linda Rubin $1,650,000, Phil De Toledo $1,300,000, Michael Leffell $1,000,000, Paul Levy $1,000,000, and the Kraft Group LLC, $2,000,000 (two profiles, merged on October 23, 2026). We also hold 19 small month-end receipts reported from Chain Bridge Bank, the committee’s bank, totalling $1.35 million. We do not list them as contributions until we have reviewed the underlying filings.

None of the donors in that table is from Michigan. And the independent-expenditure spending runs alongside conventional giving. AIPAC’s regular PAC gave Stevens’ campaign committee the standard $10,000 maximum in the 2024 cycle, across two $5,000 checks. That is the ordinary, disclosed kind of support. The super PAC spending then multiplies it a thousandfold.

2. What UDP did in the 2024 Democratic primaries

Michigan is not UDP’s first Democratic primary. Our database holds its 2024 independent-expenditure record in itemized Schedule E transactions. The pattern now running against El-Sayed is heavy spending, mostly negative, rarely mentioning Israel. The same pattern ran against Jamaal Bowman, with 44 itemized opposition buys in our records. Bowman lost his primary. It ran against Cori Bush, with 52 itemized opposition buys. Bush lost. The crypto side ran the same play. Fairshake reported roughly $10.1 million in independent expenditures against Katie Porter in California’s Senate primary. Our records hold that figure as one FEC aggregate across 60 filings, not as itemized buys. Porter lost. UDP also supported George Latimer against Bowman and Sarah Elfreth in Maryland. Both won. But the record is not unbroken. Dave Min absorbed roughly $4.6 million in UDP opposition spending in our itemized records and won anyway.

One more 2024 transaction resembles the Michigan spending. UDP did not only spend under its own name. On February 13, 2024 it moved $5 million to Standing Strong PAC, the super PAC backing Adam Schiff in California’s Senate race. That committee then bought ads on Fox News nominally attacking Republican Steve Garvey. The ads were designed to boost him with GOP voters, helping squeeze Katie Porter out of the top-two primary. Routing spending through another committee is structurally the same move OpenSecrets documents in Michigan. There, Center Forward capitalizes A Stronger Michigan and the Center Forward Committee. In both cases national money arrives one step removed from its origin, under a new name.

3. Oil majors were among last cycle’s funders of the “centrist” infrastructure

A Stronger Michigan’s funding is 99% Center Forward. Center Forward’s donors are undisclosed. But its affiliated super PAC has a disclosure history. The same Center Forward Committee spent nearly $1 million for Stevens in May. In the 2024 cycle, its largest corporate receipts came from ConocoPhillips ($300,000, August 2023) and Chevron ($200,000 across two checks). It also took in $483,000 transferred from the Center Forward nonprofit itself. Center Forward’s principal officer, Jefferies Murray, founded the 535 Group. The 535 Group’s lobbying clients in our LDA records include Meta Platforms and D-Wave Government. The “centrist Democrat” infrastructure now boosting Stevens is, on its own filings, capitalized in part by oil majors and run by corporate lobbyists. OpenSecrets notes that its ad dollars flow to Waterfront Strategies, a Washington media-buying firm.

4. Who capitalized Democracy Matters

OpenSecrets traces pro-Stevens spender Unite to Win to a $1.4 million June contribution from Democracy Matters. Democracy Matters is a 501(c)(4) whose filing shows $21 million raised. The FEC trail ends there, because c4 donors are not disclosed to the FEC. But IRS filings go one step further back. The American Independent Foundation is a Washington, D.C. 501(c)(3) led by veteran journalist Joe Conason. It publishes The American Independent and a network of state “Independent” news outlets. One of them was mailed to a million Michigan households in 2024. The foundation reported $58.7 million in 2024 contributions from donors it does not name. It disclosed an $11,000,000 grant to Democracy Matters (tax year 2024, purpose: “educational program activities,” grantee EIN 99-2900699, the same EIN as the filing OpenSecrets cites). It also disclosed $10.1 million to the affiliated Democracy Matters Foundation, a 501(c)(3). The $11,000,000 grant alone equals more than half of everything Democracy Matters reported raising.

Charitable 501(c)(3) funds cannot legally finance electoral spending. The grant predates the Unite to Win contribution and is not earmarked for it. The chain shows how the money is structured. It does not show a violation. But by the time a dollar reaches a Michigan ad buy, it has typically crossed two or three corporate forms. Each crossing resets the disclosure clock. Both coalitions in this primary are funded through these “dark money” structures. Thus the disclosure system lets money reach a Michigan primary with its original sources hidden.

How the money moves

AIPAC (c4) donors undisclosed
↓ $30M this cycle (FEC)
United Democracy Project → ~$20M spent in the MI race
Center Forward (c4) donors undisclosed; 2024 super PAC receipts incl. ConocoPhillips + Chevron
↓ ~$11M + $2.1M (FEC)
A Stronger Michigan + Center Forward Committee → ~$15M pro-Stevens
↓ $11M grant (IRS 990)
Democracy Matters (c4) → $1.4M → Unite to Win → $2.8M pro-Stevens
Jukaku Tayeb El-Sayed’s father-in-law; prior giving to Summer Lee, Ro Khanna
↓ $300K (FEC)
Fighting for Michigan PAC → $1.8M+ pro-El-Sayed

Amounts are labeled by source: FEC = itemized Schedule A/E transactions; IRS 990 = Schedule I grants. A Stronger Michigan, Unite to Win, and Fighting for Michigan totals come from the FEC filings cited in the OpenSecrets article above. Those committees are new this cycle. They do not yet have inflow-complete profiles in our database, so we do not link profile pages for them.

What to watch next

  • August 20: A Stronger Michigan’s next monthly FEC report is due. It gives the first look at who funded its July ad blitz. It arrives more than two weeks after the August 4 primary.
  • Daily until the primary: watch UDP’s 24- and 48-hour independent-expenditure notices on its FEC filing page. Follow the running picture on our Israel Lobby tracker.
  • After November: watch whether the committees that spent eight figures selecting a nominee spend comparably against Mike Rogers. In 2024, UDP’s general-election spending was a fraction of its primary spending.

Methodology & corrections

Figures labeled as ours are sums of itemized transactions ingested from FEC bulk data and filings (Schedules A, B, and E), IRS 990 Schedule I e-file data, and Senate LDA lobbying disclosures. They are lower bounds. Itemization thresholds and filing lag mean totals can exceed them. We never present them as committee-level totals. We link to those at the FEC instead. In preparing this analysis we also corrected our own records. We removed an unsourced $25 million “Adelson” entry that did not exist in FEC data, reattributed a $300,000 Center Forward Committee receipt from a same-surname individual to ConocoPhillips per the FEC record, and merged ten duplicate donor profiles. On October 23, 2026 we corrected the American Independent Foundation’s 2024 contributions figure to $58.7 million, re-labelled UDP’s roughly $20 million as spending in the race rather than against one candidate, narrowed the donor table’s heading and listed the seven-figure donors it omits, and noted that the Fairshake figure is an FEC aggregate. See our methodology for how to report an error.